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State Policy on the Destruction of the National Memory of Belarusians (2020–2024)

We present to your attention a study of the policies of the Belarusian authorities regarding the (de)construction of national historical memory in the educational sphere and the socio-cultural space of the country (2020–2024).

In this work, the author (who is anonymous for security reasons) describes the measures taken by the Belarusian authorities to destroy national symbols, rename state institutions, reshape the landscape, and install commemorative signs. One of the study’s objectives is to identify the reasons and patterns behind labeling certain works of Belarusian literature as “extremist.”

Particular attention is paid to the changes that occurred in the content of school and university history textbooks during 2020–2024. The research identifies patterns in the representation of the historical past in educational materials and traces the connection between these changes and the broader socio-political context.

The empirical basis of the study includes:

  • normative and legal acts of the authorities of the Republic of Belarus;
  • history textbooks for schools and universities;
  • scholarly monographs and articles;
  • results of monitoring open sources (media, social media pages of the Prosecutor’s Office, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, other security agencies, educational institutions, etc.).

This extensive text does not answer all questions but undoubtedly represents a rich collection of facts, testimonies, and evidence of the actions of the Belarusian authorities–largely influenced by the tendencies of the so-called “Russian World”–aimed at distorting the perception of national symbols and the historical memory of Belarusians. The study also provides recommendations on how cultural and educational initiatives can resist the systematic efforts of the Lukashenka regime to erase the national memory of Belarusians and deprive the nation of its cultural identity.

The research was conducted in the spring of 2025 at the request of the Belarusian Council for Culture and was partially funded by the Danish Cultural Institute.

The avalanche of repression that Lukashenka’s regime unleashed on Belarusian citizens since suppressing the 2020 protests spreads fear and numbness. Its goal is clear — to eliminate any possibility of a repeat protest scenario. National symbols are being associated with World War II collaborationism, while collaborators are equated with Nazis. History is turned into a tool to accuse regime opponents and fabricate a “historical justification” for their persecution. Books by Nobel laureate Svetlana Alexievich and Leipzig Prize for European Understanding winner Alhierd Bacharevič, along with works by Belarusian philosophers, writers, historians, and sociologists, are being seized from libraries, burned, and buried by bulldozers. Possessing them can lead to arrest. No one knows for certain what is still permitted in the Belarusian theatre of the absurd, and what is already forbidden. The excessive brutality of repressive measures and the disproportionate punishments, where wearing white socks with a red stripe can result in arrest and selling souvenirs is treated as treason, create an impression of chaos and randomness. But when viewed from the outside, scattered fragments form a coherent picture. There is a system. A keen observer will recognize who its primary enemy is, what it seeks to erase, and who must not be named.
  1. Poland has been designated as the primary geopolitical enemy by Belarus’s current leadership. This is not only due to Poland’s support for opponents of the illegitimate regime, but also to an effort to detach Belarusian history from its European context. Pro-government historians no longer consider it necessary to distinguish the history of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as a distinct period. The Second Polish Republic is depicted in an exclusively negative light. There have been documented cases of state-led vandalism targeting memorial sites of the Polish Army (Wojsko Polskie) and the Home Army (Armia Krajowa) soldiers. Society is being conditioned to focus on dates that emphasize conflict with the “Polish world”. September 17, 1939, was established as the Day of National Unity. Meanwhile, the Russian side suggests celebrating Belarus-Russia unity on October 24, 1795, the date of the Third Partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
  2. As a result of the Russification of Belarus’s historical space after 2020, the 19th century has suffered the most. The reasoning is clear—the authors of the revised textbooks aim to prove that Belarusians lived better under the Russian Empire and that anti-Russian uprisings undermine this narrative. Graduates of modern schools and universities are often unaware of their ancestors’ persistent anti-Russian resistance, which manifested not only in uprisings but also in preserving their identity through faith, education, and a deep interest in historical heritage.
  3. Some names provoke outright fear in the (anti-)Belarusian authorities. These figures are erased from maps, removed from textbooks, and their memorials are desecrated. The most severe attack targeted the representation of Kastus Kalinowski, leader of the national liberation uprising, and Vatslaw Lastowski, a key figure of the Belarusian National Revival. The best way to honour these heroes is by organizing conferences, competitions, historical quests, and excursions to study and popularize their contributions.
Belarusian textbooks lack coverage of Stalinist repressions and their consequences, the history of Belarusian emigration, and a comprehensive analysis of World War II events. At the same time, the glorification of war in the Belarusian educational space has reached absurd proportions. The course “Genocide of the Belarusian People” is recommended from the first grade, while the study of national history begins only in the fourth grade. As a result, history lessons in schools start with military topics, accounts of punitive operations, and depictions of the suffering of the Belarusian people. The militarization of both education and upbringing is one of the most alarming trends in the current system. The “war game” is being promoted to children as young as three, turning military themes into an attractive concept. We are witnessing a race to involve as many schoolchildren as possible in military-patriotic activities, with these events increasingly resembling actual military training. Under the pretext of “patriotic education,” children are being taught personal loyalty to Alyaksandr Lukashenka and indoctrinated with the ideology of the “Russian World”. The actions of officials who facilitate the militarization of Belarusian education should be documented for potential future prosecution by the International Criminal Court. A real threat of accountability could help curb the growing enthusiasm of Belarusian authorities in this area.

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